More information here.
More information here.
More information here.
Rejoice, comrades – the entirety of Marx-Engels-Werke is online here. Not to be confused with MEGA (Marx-Engels-Gesamtausgabe) which is still in progress, but still. If you read German, you cannot do better than this.
UPDATE: See this note from the folks behind this awesome initiative regarding some of the broken links:
Wir haben viele Emails erhalten, in der die Freude zum Ausdruck kam, endlich die Marx-Engels-Werke im Netz komplett abrufen zu können.
Gleichzeitig hat sich dabei herausgestellt, dass bei der Erstellung der URLs in den Links bei einigen Bänden Fehler unterlaufen sind.
Manch erfahrene Homepage-Kennerin oder erfahrener HP-Kenner weiß offenbar um die typischen Fehler beim Hochladen von vielen Dateien, so dass wir einige Rückmeldungen erhalten haben, wie der vollständige, richtige Link bei dem jeweiligen Band heißen muß.
Besonders bei “dem” Band 26, besteht der Eindruck als sei er gar nicht abrufbar. Es sind allerdings auch 3 Bände – zu den Mehrwerttheorien und ein Leser hat das Rätsel geknackt.
Ich habe es eben selbst ausprobiert und auch die 3 Bände zu den Mehrwert-Theorien lassen sich hochladen.
Bei den Links für die Bände 8, 18, 28, 38 und 43 fehlt jeweils ein Punkt
“.” im Dateinamen vor dem “pdf”.
Der Band 26 ist aufgeteilt in 3 Bücher – entsprechend ist er auch in drei
Dateien geteilt. Die PDFs heißen entsprechend “mew_band26-1.pdf”,
“mew_band26-2.pdf” und “mew_band26-3.pdf”, wie ich nach kurzem
ausprobieren herausfinden konnte.
Alle PDFs sind offenbar vorhanden, nur die URLs in den Links stimmen nicht
Zum Register Band II (Register von 1989) gibt es ebenfalls einen Tipp von einer Marx-Leserin:
Beim Registerband 1989 vom Dietzverband muß man hinten einmal um “.pdf” kürzen
Da die Korrekturen auf der Homepage wohl erst in den nächsten Tagen gemacht werden, schicken wir euch vom Verlag diese Vorinformation – zum sofortigen Herunterladen komplett aller Bände.
Beste Grüße und ein gutes Neues Jahr
Sven – vom Verlagskollektiv
It appears that Mally’s classic study of Proletkult is available online now here. Published in 1990 (so researched during the Soviet Union) it remains an important study of this understudied phenomenon of the Russian revolutionary experience. With more attention given to Bogdanov recently, I hope that more English-language literature on “proletarian culture” appears soon.
Here is the excerpt from the Introduction:
In October 1919 Petrograd, home of the Russian Revolution, was a devastated city. Severe food shortages had prompted the exodus of large parts of the population. To make a difficult situation even worse, the White Army general N. N. Iudenich began an assault on the city, bringing his armies almost to the suburbs. Yet this emergency did not stop a respected theater director from holding a lecture series on the history of art in an organization called the Proletkult, even though the audience changed constantly because of military mobilizations. At the same time, the Proletkult theater was preparing a performance for the second anniversary of the revolution, a play written by a Red Army soldier who had helped to storm the Winter Palace.
This dramatic mix of political insecurity, physical privation, and cultural creation was not unusual in revolutionary Russia. Similar episodes can easily be found in contemporary journals and newspapers and in the memoirs of cultural activists. They illustrate quite graphically that the proponents of revolution were not willing to limit their goals to the establishment of a new political and economic order. They hoped to create a new cultural order as well.
An interesting analysis of the situation in Egypt:
The first time the presidential guards and the military police showed up at Morsi’s house as part of his security team, his supporters reacted immediately by showering them with stones. It was a natural reaction coming from those young poor members who are part of this revolution at the end of the day and have no love for the army nor the police. Yesterday Morsi entered Tahrir with the presidential guards and the police, via Mohamed Mahmoud Street–the same street that saw bloody battles with the police and the army on several occasions. The RS and others withdrew from the square in protest. But how many other members from the MBs must have also been angry by the army’s presence? How do the young MBs, who’ve been chanting “Death to Tantawi” recently feel about Tantawi remaining the minister of defense, assisted by the notorious General Hassan el-Reweini of the army’s Central Command, who oversaw the Tahrir massacres?
As soon as Morsi’s speech ended in Tahrir, the square echoed strongly with anti-SCAF chants, including one directed at Tantawi, asking him to give the military salute to his president Morsi. In reality, and that’s what will those in the square will discover in the coming days, Morsi has no power whatsoever vis a vis Tantawi and SCAF. And every compromise he will make will cost him and his group disillusioned supporters and splits.
The entire piece is here.
The legacy of Antonio Gramsci is one of the most fiercely contested in the Marxist tradition. Gramsci’s lineage is claimed by myriad schools of thought for innumerable theoretical purposes, both within and out with Marxism. There is scarcely a social science that hasn’t incorporated Gramsci’s key concepts into its literature: often presenting the Italian as an ‘acceptable’ Marxist and almost never confronting the possibility that he was a thinker and activist of the same political ilk as Lenin. In the history of Western Marxism, perhaps the major debate of the last fifty years has been around the question of whether Gramsci’s politics were a continuation of, or a break from, the Leninist tradition.